Final Essay
Radical Thoughts and Pragmatic Actions:
Douglass, Lincoln, and the Continuing Journey to Justice
By: Jordan Schucker
“Viewed from the genuine abolition ground, Mr. Lincoln seemed tardy, cold, dull, and indifferent; but measuring him by the sentiment of his country, a sentiment he was bound as a statesman to consult, he was swift, zealous, radical, and determined.”[1]
During his 1876 speech at the dedication of the Emancipation Memorial in Washington, D.C., Frederick Douglass captured the complicated relationship between himself and former-president Abraham Lincoln. Douglass revealed his evolving views of the president throughout his life, while simultaneously offering a perspective on Lincoln’s complex career as a politician during the Civil War. Both men despised the institution of slavery and the injustices it stood for. They also sought to destroy it, but their timelines varied. Douglass was an abolitionist who believed slavery should be extinguished by immediate action. As president, Lincoln believed he did not have the legal power to fulfill Douglass’s wishes and often stuck to a pragmatic position. Still, however, these leaders grew to speak highly of one another and were friends by Lincoln’s assassination in 1865.[2] When comparing their reform strategies, it is evident that different approaches must invariably intersect to achieve change. Radical beliefs acted upon pragmatically were crucial in the destruction of slavery and continue to be necessary for upholding the democratic principles of the modern nation.
During his 1876 speech at the dedication of the Emancipation Memorial in Washington, D.C., Frederick Douglass captured the complicated relationship between himself and former-president Abraham Lincoln. Douglass revealed his evolving views of the president throughout his life, while simultaneously offering a perspective on Lincoln’s complex career as a politician during the Civil War. Both men despised the institution of slavery and the injustices it stood for. They also sought to destroy it, but their timelines varied. Douglass was an abolitionist who believed slavery should be extinguished by immediate action. As president, Lincoln believed he did not have the legal power to fulfill Douglass’s wishes and often stuck to a pragmatic position. Still, however, these leaders grew to speak highly of one another and were friends by Lincoln’s assassination in 1865.[2] When comparing their reform strategies, it is evident that different approaches must invariably intersect to achieve change. Radical beliefs acted upon pragmatically were crucial in the destruction of slavery and continue to be necessary for upholding the democratic principles of the modern nation.
The Fate of Douglass's Straight Path
Frederick Douglass was born enslaved in the Eastern Shore region of Maryland in 1818. During his childhood, he learned to read and write, and eventually saved enough money to obtain a copy of The Columbian Orator. He met his future wife, Anna Murray, in Baltimore, and after escaping slavery in 1838, he settled with her in Massachusetts.[3] Douglass attended abolitionist meetings and spoke about his experiences as a slave, and he soon began to work for the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society. To prevent recapture and enslavement, Douglass traveled overseas to Europe where he gave emancipation speeches and sold copies of his first autobiography. After abolitionists in England purchased his freedom, Douglass returned to America as a free man.[4] When the Civil War began in 1861, Douglass worked to ensure emancipation would follow. He discussed his experiences with slavery and denounced Lincoln’s inaction on it at the beginning of the war.[5] After the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863, Douglass recruited Black soldiers to join the war effort. He believed that serving in the army would guarantee them citizenship after it ended.[6]
As a radical orator in 1847, Douglass initially condemned “the entire American nation for its complicity with slavery.”[7] He argued early in his career that the Constitution itself was proslavery, and therefore should be disregarded and replaced with more antislavery sentiments.[8] Fourteen years later, five months after fighting commenced at Fort Sumter, Douglass claimed the Civil War to be an “abolition war.” He asserted that only the end of slavery would bring the end of the war since slavery was “the stomach of the rebellion.”[9] After realizing that radical talk would only capture his most radical audiences, Douglass eventually learned to play into American politics and became more mainstream as a result.[10] Douglass originally spoke of nothing but abolition and equality for Black Americans. He later recognized, however, that these would not be fully facilitated by Lincoln. Douglass had to find his own path of Civil War politics, rather than pursuing an entirely straight one.
After Lincoln’s assassination in 1865, Douglass delivered a eulogy that defined him as “the black man’s President: the first to show any respect for their rights as men,” but eleven years later at the dedication of the Emancipation Memorial, Douglass referred to Lincoln as “the white man’s President, entirely devoted to the welfare of white men.”[11] To many, these statements seemed at odds. In 1865, Douglass presented Lincoln as a martyr to his White audience members. Douglass’s goal had always been equality, and he used the life and death of the president to claim that since Lincoln treated Black people with respect, so should other politicians. By 1876, Douglass appealed to African Americans to support themselves politically and socially. Because President Lincoln was not able to achieve equality for Black Americans, they could not rely on politicians to grant them equal rights in the future. Douglass’s goal was always to preach equality, but his audience and path of persuasion had changed between speeches.
Frederick Douglass was born enslaved in the Eastern Shore region of Maryland in 1818. During his childhood, he learned to read and write, and eventually saved enough money to obtain a copy of The Columbian Orator. He met his future wife, Anna Murray, in Baltimore, and after escaping slavery in 1838, he settled with her in Massachusetts.[3] Douglass attended abolitionist meetings and spoke about his experiences as a slave, and he soon began to work for the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society. To prevent recapture and enslavement, Douglass traveled overseas to Europe where he gave emancipation speeches and sold copies of his first autobiography. After abolitionists in England purchased his freedom, Douglass returned to America as a free man.[4] When the Civil War began in 1861, Douglass worked to ensure emancipation would follow. He discussed his experiences with slavery and denounced Lincoln’s inaction on it at the beginning of the war.[5] After the Emancipation Proclamation in 1863, Douglass recruited Black soldiers to join the war effort. He believed that serving in the army would guarantee them citizenship after it ended.[6]
As a radical orator in 1847, Douglass initially condemned “the entire American nation for its complicity with slavery.”[7] He argued early in his career that the Constitution itself was proslavery, and therefore should be disregarded and replaced with more antislavery sentiments.[8] Fourteen years later, five months after fighting commenced at Fort Sumter, Douglass claimed the Civil War to be an “abolition war.” He asserted that only the end of slavery would bring the end of the war since slavery was “the stomach of the rebellion.”[9] After realizing that radical talk would only capture his most radical audiences, Douglass eventually learned to play into American politics and became more mainstream as a result.[10] Douglass originally spoke of nothing but abolition and equality for Black Americans. He later recognized, however, that these would not be fully facilitated by Lincoln. Douglass had to find his own path of Civil War politics, rather than pursuing an entirely straight one.
After Lincoln’s assassination in 1865, Douglass delivered a eulogy that defined him as “the black man’s President: the first to show any respect for their rights as men,” but eleven years later at the dedication of the Emancipation Memorial, Douglass referred to Lincoln as “the white man’s President, entirely devoted to the welfare of white men.”[11] To many, these statements seemed at odds. In 1865, Douglass presented Lincoln as a martyr to his White audience members. Douglass’s goal had always been equality, and he used the life and death of the president to claim that since Lincoln treated Black people with respect, so should other politicians. By 1876, Douglass appealed to African Americans to support themselves politically and socially. Because President Lincoln was not able to achieve equality for Black Americans, they could not rely on politicians to grant them equal rights in the future. Douglass’s goal was always to preach equality, but his audience and path of persuasion had changed between speeches.
Understanding Lincoln's Winding Path
Abraham Lincoln similarly evolved, but he did so on his own windign political path. He was born in Hardin County, Kentucky in 1809 to a poor family, he was raised with minimal formal education, and he taught himself the necessary skills for reading and writing.[12] He recalled that he had always hated slavery from even a young age and became a self-made politician in his early twenties.[13] Although Lincoln’s modest upbringing could never compare to the hardships Douglass faced as an enslaved man, the pragmatic politician’s academic drive was similar to the radical orator’s.
During Lincoln’s first inaugural address on March 4, 1861, he preached calmness despite the secession of seven out of fifteen slave states. He reminded the country that he had no intentions of abolishing slavery, and he attempted to warn the South of the impending Civil War. “I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists,” he stated, “I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.”[14] This statement contradicts Lincoln’s legacy as the man who emancipated enslaved Americans in 1863. During his first inaugural, Lincoln was focused on the impending Civil War from the position of the Union. He recognized that seven states had already seceded from the North, and his main prerogative was to prevent the remaining eight from leaving also. To Douglass, it was senseless compromise. He despised Lincoln’s claim that the bounds of the Constitution restricted him from eliminating slavery nationally, and he believed abolition should be Lincoln’s focus.[15] It was not until after the Civil War that Douglass fully recognized the restrictions placed on antislavery politics within the confines of a democratic government, as revealed in his speech at the Emancipation Memorial in 1876.[16]
Like Douglass, Lincoln had evolved in his politics and his methods of persuasion by his second inaugural address. In particular, he learned that to achieve emancipation he would have to become more radical in his words and actions.[17] In his second inaugural on March 4, 1865, nearly one month before his assassination, Lincoln evoked feelings of hope for reunification. Appealing to the Union to continue their fight, Lincoln claimed that the “progress of [their] arms” granted “high hope for the future.”[18] More radically in his address, Lincoln spoke of slavery’s interest as the cause of the war. He invoked the views of God, claiming that He viewed slavery as an offense and wanted the 250 previous years of American slavery to be atoned.[19] For Lincoln, this statement exhibited radical evolution in moral conviction, which had recently come to fruition through the 13th Amendment abolishing slavery. The President’s adaptive strategies in his own game of chess were reflected in his first and second inaugural addresses.
Abraham Lincoln similarly evolved, but he did so on his own windign political path. He was born in Hardin County, Kentucky in 1809 to a poor family, he was raised with minimal formal education, and he taught himself the necessary skills for reading and writing.[12] He recalled that he had always hated slavery from even a young age and became a self-made politician in his early twenties.[13] Although Lincoln’s modest upbringing could never compare to the hardships Douglass faced as an enslaved man, the pragmatic politician’s academic drive was similar to the radical orator’s.
During Lincoln’s first inaugural address on March 4, 1861, he preached calmness despite the secession of seven out of fifteen slave states. He reminded the country that he had no intentions of abolishing slavery, and he attempted to warn the South of the impending Civil War. “I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists,” he stated, “I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so.”[14] This statement contradicts Lincoln’s legacy as the man who emancipated enslaved Americans in 1863. During his first inaugural, Lincoln was focused on the impending Civil War from the position of the Union. He recognized that seven states had already seceded from the North, and his main prerogative was to prevent the remaining eight from leaving also. To Douglass, it was senseless compromise. He despised Lincoln’s claim that the bounds of the Constitution restricted him from eliminating slavery nationally, and he believed abolition should be Lincoln’s focus.[15] It was not until after the Civil War that Douglass fully recognized the restrictions placed on antislavery politics within the confines of a democratic government, as revealed in his speech at the Emancipation Memorial in 1876.[16]
Like Douglass, Lincoln had evolved in his politics and his methods of persuasion by his second inaugural address. In particular, he learned that to achieve emancipation he would have to become more radical in his words and actions.[17] In his second inaugural on March 4, 1865, nearly one month before his assassination, Lincoln evoked feelings of hope for reunification. Appealing to the Union to continue their fight, Lincoln claimed that the “progress of [their] arms” granted “high hope for the future.”[18] More radically in his address, Lincoln spoke of slavery’s interest as the cause of the war. He invoked the views of God, claiming that He viewed slavery as an offense and wanted the 250 previous years of American slavery to be atoned.[19] For Lincoln, this statement exhibited radical evolution in moral conviction, which had recently come to fruition through the 13th Amendment abolishing slavery. The President’s adaptive strategies in his own game of chess were reflected in his first and second inaugural addresses.
The Modern Question of Change
Following the rise of the Jim Crow South after the passage of the Reconstruction Amendments, the American Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s aimed for the racial equality that Frederick Douglass and so many African American men and women envisioned from the start. Martin Luther King, Jr., famous civil rights activist and leader of radical nonviolent protests, embodied the necessary combination of radicalism and pragmatism of the era. In “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” King claimed that the “Negro’s great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom” was the “white moderate,” who focused more on the law, rather than achieving change.[20] This sentiment echoed Douglass’s complaints about Lincoln’s initial inaction on slavery. In 1964, nearly a decade after he became famous for his role in the Montgomery Bus Boycott, King witnessed the passage of the Civil Rights Act, which prohibited discrimination based on race and other identities. Like Douglass, King observed the political fruits of his radical ideology in the enactment of tangible legislation.
As of late, American history has been in danger of repeating itself. With the recent overturning of Roe v. Wade, the nation may encounter a slippery slope and actually fall back in rescinding individual rights. Specifically in the words of Justice Clarence Thomas, the Supreme Court “should reconsider all…substantive due process precedents,” which may threaten several rights already granted by the Court in previous rulings.[21] It may be time again to call on the wisdom of Douglass and Lincoln to formulate the best path to justice. In a nation that has yet to boast true equality, the lessons learned from Civil War-era reform become increasingly relevant. From the political strategies of Douglass and Lincoln, it is evident that combinations of moderation and radicalism are necessary for true justice to come to fruition. Throughout their political careers, Douglass and Lincoln learned to adapt to their audiences. To some it showed compromise, to others it was tactical. Ultimately, Douglass smoothed over some of his radical nature and Lincoln turned his pragmatism toward radical ends. Together, they exemplified that the most efficient method for achieving a just change is to act moderately with radical beliefs. What, then, may become of Lincoln’s Union if Justice Thomas has his way? The answer will lie in the nation’s response. To obtain the elusive justice promised by the country’s founding, We the People must channel radical desires into a pragmatic approach to achieve political change.
Following the rise of the Jim Crow South after the passage of the Reconstruction Amendments, the American Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s aimed for the racial equality that Frederick Douglass and so many African American men and women envisioned from the start. Martin Luther King, Jr., famous civil rights activist and leader of radical nonviolent protests, embodied the necessary combination of radicalism and pragmatism of the era. In “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” King claimed that the “Negro’s great stumbling block in his stride toward freedom” was the “white moderate,” who focused more on the law, rather than achieving change.[20] This sentiment echoed Douglass’s complaints about Lincoln’s initial inaction on slavery. In 1964, nearly a decade after he became famous for his role in the Montgomery Bus Boycott, King witnessed the passage of the Civil Rights Act, which prohibited discrimination based on race and other identities. Like Douglass, King observed the political fruits of his radical ideology in the enactment of tangible legislation.
As of late, American history has been in danger of repeating itself. With the recent overturning of Roe v. Wade, the nation may encounter a slippery slope and actually fall back in rescinding individual rights. Specifically in the words of Justice Clarence Thomas, the Supreme Court “should reconsider all…substantive due process precedents,” which may threaten several rights already granted by the Court in previous rulings.[21] It may be time again to call on the wisdom of Douglass and Lincoln to formulate the best path to justice. In a nation that has yet to boast true equality, the lessons learned from Civil War-era reform become increasingly relevant. From the political strategies of Douglass and Lincoln, it is evident that combinations of moderation and radicalism are necessary for true justice to come to fruition. Throughout their political careers, Douglass and Lincoln learned to adapt to their audiences. To some it showed compromise, to others it was tactical. Ultimately, Douglass smoothed over some of his radical nature and Lincoln turned his pragmatism toward radical ends. Together, they exemplified that the most efficient method for achieving a just change is to act moderately with radical beliefs. What, then, may become of Lincoln’s Union if Justice Thomas has his way? The answer will lie in the nation’s response. To obtain the elusive justice promised by the country’s founding, We the People must channel radical desires into a pragmatic approach to achieve political change.
[1] Frederick Douglass, “Oration in memory of Abraham Lincoln,” April 14, 1876, University of Rochester, [WEB].
[2] James Oakes, The Radical and the Republican: Frederick Douglass, Abraham Lincoln, and the Triumph of Antislavery Politics, (New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc.), 2007, 245.
[3] Introduction, “Frederick Douglass, Narrative (1845), Knowledge for Freedom Seminar, [WEB].
[4] Author Unknown, “Frederick Douglass,” National Park Service, July 24, 2021, [WEB].
[5] Louis P. Masur, The Civil War, (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2011), 41.
[6] Ibid, 56-57.
[7] Oakes, 13.
[8] Ibid, 14.
[9] Frederick Douglass, “Cast off the Mill-Stone,” Douglass’ Monthly, September, 1861, [WEB].
[10] Oakes, 15.
[11] Frederick Douglass, Eulogy on Abraham Lincoln, Frederick Douglass Papers, Library of Congress, June 1, 1865, [WEB].
[12] Introduction, “Abraham Lincoln, Autobiographical Sketch (1859),” Knowledge for Freedom Seminar, [WEB].
[13] Ibid; Oakes, 41.
[14] Abraham Lincoln, Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (1953), [WEB].
[15] Oakes, 109.
[16] Oakes, Introduction.
[17] Ibid.
[18] Abraham Lincoln, Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (1953), [WEB].
[19] Ibid.
[20] Martin Luther King, Jr., Letter from Birmingham Jail, 1963, [WEB].
[21] Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization (Supreme Court of the United States, June 24, 2022), [WEB].
[2] James Oakes, The Radical and the Republican: Frederick Douglass, Abraham Lincoln, and the Triumph of Antislavery Politics, (New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Company, Inc.), 2007, 245.
[3] Introduction, “Frederick Douglass, Narrative (1845), Knowledge for Freedom Seminar, [WEB].
[4] Author Unknown, “Frederick Douglass,” National Park Service, July 24, 2021, [WEB].
[5] Louis P. Masur, The Civil War, (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2011), 41.
[6] Ibid, 56-57.
[7] Oakes, 13.
[8] Ibid, 14.
[9] Frederick Douglass, “Cast off the Mill-Stone,” Douglass’ Monthly, September, 1861, [WEB].
[10] Oakes, 15.
[11] Frederick Douglass, Eulogy on Abraham Lincoln, Frederick Douglass Papers, Library of Congress, June 1, 1865, [WEB].
[12] Introduction, “Abraham Lincoln, Autobiographical Sketch (1859),” Knowledge for Freedom Seminar, [WEB].
[13] Ibid; Oakes, 41.
[14] Abraham Lincoln, Inaugural Address, March 4, 1861, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (1953), [WEB].
[15] Oakes, 109.
[16] Oakes, Introduction.
[17] Ibid.
[18] Abraham Lincoln, Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (1953), [WEB].
[19] Ibid.
[20] Martin Luther King, Jr., Letter from Birmingham Jail, 1963, [WEB].
[21] Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization (Supreme Court of the United States, June 24, 2022), [WEB].